Bye-Elections and the Test of Nigeria’s Democracy Bye-elections in Nigeria have become more than just contests to fill vacant seats; they are critical tests of the strength, credibility, and maturity of our democratic system. Every time a seat becomes vacant in the National or State Assembly due to resignation, death, defection, or nullification of election results by the courts, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is called upon to conduct a bye-election.
These elections, though smaller in scale compared to the general elections, carry weighty implications for governance, representation, and public trust in the electoral process. Unfortunately, bye-elections in Nigeria are often marred by the same recurring challenges that plague general polls—voter apathy, violence, vote-buying, logistical hiccups, and excessive desperation by political actors.
Instead of serving as models of democratic refinement, they sometimes expose the weaknesses of our political culture. One recurring issue is low voter turnout. Many citizens dismiss bye-elections as insignificant, either because the seats are few or because they feel their votes won’t matter in a system already tainted by irregularities.
This indifference only emboldens corrupt practices and leaves space for manipulation by politicians who can easily sway outcomes with money or intimidation. Another pressing concern is the influence of incumbency and state power. Ruling parties often deploy undue resources—financial and institutional—to ensure victory at all costs. This not only undermines fair competition but also erodes confidence in the neutrality of INEC and the security agencies.
Yet, bye-elections should ideally be opportunities for Nigeria to prove that it can conduct free, fair, and credible polls in a more manageable environment. With fewer constituencies involved, INEC should be able to demonstrate efficiency, transparency, and technological innovation that can later be scaled up during general elections.
When well managed, bye-elections can serve as laboratories of electoral reform, showcasing improvements in voter accreditation, electronic transmission of results, and the curbing of malpractice.
The responsibility, however, does not lie with INEC alone. Political parties must begin to see these elections not as do-or-die battles but as platforms to showcase issue-based campaigns and restore faith in participatory politics. Security agencies must also live up to their constitutional duty by protecting voters rather than serving as tools of intimidation.
Civil society and the media equally have a role to play in sensitizing the electorate and holding institutions accountable. Nigeria’s democracy is still fragile, and every election—big or small—is a chance either to strengthen it or weaken it. By-elections must not be reduced to transactional exercises where the highest bidder wins.
They should be treated as serious democratic engagements that give citizens a voice, preserve representation, and deepen the credibility of our institutions. If we fail to get it right in bye-elections, it is a clear warning that our general elections will continue to be riddled with crises. But if we succeed—by ensuring fairness, transparency, and voter participation—Nigeria can gradually build a stronger democratic foundation.
The lesson is simple: democracy is not only tested during presidential or gubernatorial elections; it is also tested in the seemingly smaller battles of bye-elections.